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Processing dissociations between raising and control in Brazilian Portuguese
Generative approaches to syntactic control have traditionally viewed it as a distinct component of the grammar, one that governs the interpretation and distribution of the empty category (EC) PRO. However, the M ovement T heory of C ontrol (MTC) proposes that control should instead be conceived of a...
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Published in: | Journal of linguistics 2024-03, p.1-37 |
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Main Authors: | , |
Format: | Article |
Language: | English |
Citations: | Items that this one cites |
Online Access: | Get full text |
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Summary: | Generative approaches to syntactic control have traditionally viewed it as a distinct component of the grammar, one that governs the interpretation and distribution of the
empty category
(EC) PRO. However, the M
ovement
T
heory of
C
ontrol
(MTC) proposes that control should instead be conceived of as a form of raising, with both sentence types involving the EC DP/NP T
race
. In addition to theoretical arguments, some behavioral research on antecedent reactivation has demonstrated that different ECs reactivate their antecedents to different degrees and at different points in the time course of comprehension. In this study, we used a cross-modal repetition priming paradigm to examine antecedent reactivation in Brazilian Portuguese. We found significantly greater activation at the gap position in raising sentences and in those with overt pronouns as compared to (exhaustive) control sentences, consistent with the standard account of raising and the traditional view of control as involving a distinct EC. Additionally, we found some evidence for a differentiation between exhaustive and partial control structures. Overall, our results suggest that 1) similar linguistic mechanisms are employed in the processing of sentences that involve overt pronouns and DP/NP traces, and 2) different mechanisms are employed in the processing of raising and control structures, a finding we view as inconsistent with the MTC. |
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ISSN: | 0022-2267 1469-7742 |
DOI: | 10.1017/S002222672400001X |