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Law and Violence in the Colombian Post-Conflict: State-Making in the Wake of the Peace Agreement

Colombia’s 2016 Peace Agreement with the FARC guerrilla extends beyond the end of the war and those measures for the disarmament, demobilization and reincorporation of former guerrillas. A large portion of the agreement is dedicated to the extension of the presence of the Colombian State into those...

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Published in:Revista de estudios sociales (Bogotá, Colombia) Colombia), 2019-01, Vol.67 (67), p.2-16
Main Authors: Lemaitre Ripoll, Julieta, Restrepo Saldarriaga, Esteban
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description Colombia’s 2016 Peace Agreement with the FARC guerrilla extends beyond the end of the war and those measures for the disarmament, demobilization and reincorporation of former guerrillas. A large portion of the agreement is dedicated to the extension of the presence of the Colombian State into those areas of the country formerly under FARC control. The premise behind this extension, shared by Colombian elites as much as former guerrilla leaders, is that if the State remains absent then the areas will be occupied by criminal organizations interested in controlling the FARC cocaine trade, and, more generally, that the vast and sparsely populated territories will further descend into barbarism. This premise resonates with a long arc of persistent aspiration for a national identity that is shaped by the opposition between civilization and barbarism. Especially since the transformations effected by Colombia’s 1991 Constitution, the extension of civilization has been increasingly identified with the expansion of the rule of law and, therefore, with law’s mythical powers to order society and control barbarism. Under this premise, violence is equated to lawlessness and the remedy for violence assimilated to the expansion of the Estado social de derecho, the state form that embodies the rule of law in the Colombian Constitution. The foundational narrative of civilization versus barbarism, reflected by the hopes placed on the rule of law and the recipes for State-building by the 2016 Peace Agreement, continues to obscure the continuities between law and violence, and particularly the fact that the execution of legal institutions in formerly “lawless” territories maintains the violence of the moment of the adoption of legality. Both theoretical and empirical explorations of the present process of expansion of the Colombian State require critical examination of the hopes vested on law. A critical examination of this sort needs to engage with the continuities between law and violence explored in contemporary political philosophy and developed by Jean and John Comaroff’s ethnography. The productivity of this approach is highlighted by the essays in this dossier, which share the impulse to interrupt the foundational narrative of civilization and barbarism that remains in the institutions of Colombias’s present post-conflict endeavor. El Acuerdo de Paz suscrito con las FARC en 2016 se extiende más allá del fin de la guerra y de las medidas para el desarme, desmovilización
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A large portion of the agreement is dedicated to the extension of the presence of the Colombian State into those areas of the country formerly under FARC control. The premise behind this extension, shared by Colombian elites as much as former guerrilla leaders, is that if the State remains absent then the areas will be occupied by criminal organizations interested in controlling the FARC cocaine trade, and, more generally, that the vast and sparsely populated territories will further descend into barbarism. This premise resonates with a long arc of persistent aspiration for a national identity that is shaped by the opposition between civilization and barbarism. Especially since the transformations effected by Colombia’s 1991 Constitution, the extension of civilization has been increasingly identified with the expansion of the rule of law and, therefore, with law’s mythical powers to order society and control barbarism. Under this premise, violence is equated to lawlessness and the remedy for violence assimilated to the expansion of the Estado social de derecho, the state form that embodies the rule of law in the Colombian Constitution. The foundational narrative of civilization versus barbarism, reflected by the hopes placed on the rule of law and the recipes for State-building by the 2016 Peace Agreement, continues to obscure the continuities between law and violence, and particularly the fact that the execution of legal institutions in formerly “lawless” territories maintains the violence of the moment of the adoption of legality. Both theoretical and empirical explorations of the present process of expansion of the Colombian State require critical examination of the hopes vested on law. A critical examination of this sort needs to engage with the continuities between law and violence explored in contemporary political philosophy and developed by Jean and John Comaroff’s ethnography. The productivity of this approach is highlighted by the essays in this dossier, which share the impulse to interrupt the foundational narrative of civilization and barbarism that remains in the institutions of Colombias’s present post-conflict endeavor. El Acuerdo de Paz suscrito con las FARC en 2016 se extiende más allá del fin de la guerra y de las medidas para el desarme, desmovilización y reincorporación de los exguerrilleros. Una parte importante de este acuerdo está dedicada a la ampliación de la presencia del Estado colombiano en aquellas áreas del país que antes se encontraban bajo el control de las FARC. La premisa tras esta expansión, compartida tanto por la élite colombiana como por los exlíderes guerrilleros, es que si el Estado permanece ausente entonces estas áreas serán ocupadas por organizaciones criminales interesadas en controlar el comercio de cocaína de las FARC y, en términos más generales, que los amplios y poco poblados territorios descenderán, aún más, a la barbarie. Esta premisa es reminiscente de la vieja aspiración a una identidad nacional modelada por la oposición entre civilización y barbarie. Especialmente desde la expedición de la Constitución de 1991, la imposición de la civilización se ha identificado cada vez más con la expansión del Estado de derecho y, por lo tanto, con los poderes míticos de la ley para organizar a la sociedad y controlar la barbarie. Aquí, la violencia se equipara a la ausencia de la ley, y se considera que el remedio para la violencia es la expansión del “Estado social de derecho”; esa forma de Estado que recoge el principio del Estado de derecho en la Constitución colombiana. La narrativa fundacional de la civilización y la barbarie, reflejada en la esperanza puesta en el Estado de derecho y el conjunto de recetas para la construcción estatal por el Acuerdo de Paz de 2016, continúa oscureciendo las continuidades entre la ley y la violencia, y particularmente el hecho de que la ejecución del derecho en territorios que antes “carecían de ley”, reproduce la violencia del momento de adopción de la legalidad. Las exploraciones tanto teóricas como empíricas del actual proceso de expansión del Estado colombiano demandan un análisis crítico de las esperanzas depositadas en la ley. Un análisis crítico de este tipo debe tener en cuenta las continuidades entre la ley y la violencia exploradas en la filosofía política contemporánea y desarrollada por la etnografía de Jean y John Comaroff. La utilidad de este enfoque se resalta en los ensayos de este dossier, que comparten el impulso de interrumpir la narrativa fundacional de civilización y barbarie que aparece en las instituciones del posconflicto colombiano. O Acordo de Paz firmado com as Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (FARC) em 2016 estende-se além do fim da guerra e das medidas de desarmamento, desmobilização e reincorporação dos ex-guerrilheiros. Uma grande parte do acordo está dedicada à extensão da presença do Estado colombiano nas áreas do país que antes estavam sob o controle das FARC. A premissa por trás dessa expansão, compartilhada tanto pela elite colombiana quanto pelos ex-líderes guerrilheiros, é que, se o estado continuar ausente, essas áreas serão ocupadas por organizações criminosas interessadas em controlar o tráfico de cocaína das FARC e, em termos mais gerais, os grandes territórios escassamente povoados cairão ainda mais na barbárie. Essa premissa se reflete na aspiração persistente de ter uma identidade nacional moldada pela oposição entre civilização e barbárie. Principalmente a partir das transformações realizadas pela Constituição colombiana de 1991, a extensão da civilização tem sido cada vez mais identificada com a expansão do estado de direito e, portanto, com os poderes míticos da lei para organizar a sociedade e controlar a barbárie. Sob essa premissa, a violência é equiparada com a expansão do “Estado social de direito”; o tipo de Estado que encapsula o império do direito na Constituição colombiana. A narrativa fundadora da civilização versus barbárie, refletida pela esperança colocada no estado de direito e nas fórmulas para a construção do Estado do Acordo de Paz de 2016, continua a obscurecer as continuidades entre lei e violência, e particularmente o fato de que a execução de instituições legais em territórios que antes “careciam de leis”, mantém a violência do momento da adoção da legalidade. Ambas as explorações teóricas e as empíricas deste processo de expansão do Estado colombiano exigem uma análise crítica das esperanças depositadas na lei. Uma análise crítica desse tipo deve levar em conta as continuidades entre lei e violência exploradas na filosofia política contemporânea e desenvolvidas pela etnografia de Jean e John Comaroff. A produtividade dessa abordagem é destacada nos ensaios deste dossiê, que compartilham o impulso de interromper a narrativa fundacional da civilização e da barbárie que permanece nas instituições do atual esforço pós-conflito da Colômbia.</description><identifier>ISSN: 0123-885X</identifier><identifier>EISSN: 1900-5180</identifier><identifier>DOI: 10.7440/res67.2019.01</identifier><language>eng</language><publisher>Bogotá: Universidad de Los Andes, UNIANDES Journals (Revistas UNIANDES)</publisher><subject>Agreements ; Arms control &amp; disarmament ; Aspiration ; Author: barbarism ; barbarie ; barbarism ; barbárie ; civilización ; Civilization ; civilização ; Cocaine ; Colonies &amp; territories ; Conflict ; conflito ; derecho y violencia ; direito e violência ; Economic development ; Elites ; Ethnography ; formación del Estado ; formação do Estado ; Goldstein, Daniel ; Guerrilla forces ; Jean and John Comaroff ; Jean e John Comaroff ; Jean y John Comaroff ; Law ; law and violence ; Legal institutions ; Legality ; making ; Military demobilization ; Narratives ; National identity ; Organized crime ; paz ; paz territorial ; Peace ; Peace treaties ; Philosophy ; Political philosophy ; Politics ; posconflicto ; post ; post-conflict ; Productivity ; pós ; Rule of law ; SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY ; state ; State building ; state-making ; Taussig, Michael ; territorial peace ; Thesaurus: civilization ; Violence ; War</subject><ispartof>Revista de estudios sociales (Bogotá, Colombia), 2019-01, Vol.67 (67), p.2-16</ispartof><rights>2019. 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A large portion of the agreement is dedicated to the extension of the presence of the Colombian State into those areas of the country formerly under FARC control. The premise behind this extension, shared by Colombian elites as much as former guerrilla leaders, is that if the State remains absent then the areas will be occupied by criminal organizations interested in controlling the FARC cocaine trade, and, more generally, that the vast and sparsely populated territories will further descend into barbarism. This premise resonates with a long arc of persistent aspiration for a national identity that is shaped by the opposition between civilization and barbarism. Especially since the transformations effected by Colombia’s 1991 Constitution, the extension of civilization has been increasingly identified with the expansion of the rule of law and, therefore, with law’s mythical powers to order society and control barbarism. Under this premise, violence is equated to lawlessness and the remedy for violence assimilated to the expansion of the Estado social de derecho, the state form that embodies the rule of law in the Colombian Constitution. The foundational narrative of civilization versus barbarism, reflected by the hopes placed on the rule of law and the recipes for State-building by the 2016 Peace Agreement, continues to obscure the continuities between law and violence, and particularly the fact that the execution of legal institutions in formerly “lawless” territories maintains the violence of the moment of the adoption of legality. Both theoretical and empirical explorations of the present process of expansion of the Colombian State require critical examination of the hopes vested on law. A critical examination of this sort needs to engage with the continuities between law and violence explored in contemporary political philosophy and developed by Jean and John Comaroff’s ethnography. The productivity of this approach is highlighted by the essays in this dossier, which share the impulse to interrupt the foundational narrative of civilization and barbarism that remains in the institutions of Colombias’s present post-conflict endeavor. El Acuerdo de Paz suscrito con las FARC en 2016 se extiende más allá del fin de la guerra y de las medidas para el desarme, desmovilización y reincorporación de los exguerrilleros. Una parte importante de este acuerdo está dedicada a la ampliación de la presencia del Estado colombiano en aquellas áreas del país que antes se encontraban bajo el control de las FARC. La premisa tras esta expansión, compartida tanto por la élite colombiana como por los exlíderes guerrilleros, es que si el Estado permanece ausente entonces estas áreas serán ocupadas por organizaciones criminales interesadas en controlar el comercio de cocaína de las FARC y, en términos más generales, que los amplios y poco poblados territorios descenderán, aún más, a la barbarie. Esta premisa es reminiscente de la vieja aspiración a una identidad nacional modelada por la oposición entre civilización y barbarie. Especialmente desde la expedición de la Constitución de 1991, la imposición de la civilización se ha identificado cada vez más con la expansión del Estado de derecho y, por lo tanto, con los poderes míticos de la ley para organizar a la sociedad y controlar la barbarie. Aquí, la violencia se equipara a la ausencia de la ley, y se considera que el remedio para la violencia es la expansión del “Estado social de derecho”; esa forma de Estado que recoge el principio del Estado de derecho en la Constitución colombiana. La narrativa fundacional de la civilización y la barbarie, reflejada en la esperanza puesta en el Estado de derecho y el conjunto de recetas para la construcción estatal por el Acuerdo de Paz de 2016, continúa oscureciendo las continuidades entre la ley y la violencia, y particularmente el hecho de que la ejecución del derecho en territorios que antes “carecían de ley”, reproduce la violencia del momento de adopción de la legalidad. Las exploraciones tanto teóricas como empíricas del actual proceso de expansión del Estado colombiano demandan un análisis crítico de las esperanzas depositadas en la ley. Un análisis crítico de este tipo debe tener en cuenta las continuidades entre la ley y la violencia exploradas en la filosofía política contemporánea y desarrollada por la etnografía de Jean y John Comaroff. La utilidad de este enfoque se resalta en los ensayos de este dossier, que comparten el impulso de interrumpir la narrativa fundacional de civilización y barbarie que aparece en las instituciones del posconflicto colombiano. O Acordo de Paz firmado com as Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (FARC) em 2016 estende-se além do fim da guerra e das medidas de desarmamento, desmobilização e reincorporação dos ex-guerrilheiros. Uma grande parte do acordo está dedicada à extensão da presença do Estado colombiano nas áreas do país que antes estavam sob o controle das FARC. A premissa por trás dessa expansão, compartilhada tanto pela elite colombiana quanto pelos ex-líderes guerrilheiros, é que, se o estado continuar ausente, essas áreas serão ocupadas por organizações criminosas interessadas em controlar o tráfico de cocaína das FARC e, em termos mais gerais, os grandes territórios escassamente povoados cairão ainda mais na barbárie. Essa premissa se reflete na aspiração persistente de ter uma identidade nacional moldada pela oposição entre civilização e barbárie. Principalmente a partir das transformações realizadas pela Constituição colombiana de 1991, a extensão da civilização tem sido cada vez mais identificada com a expansão do estado de direito e, portanto, com os poderes míticos da lei para organizar a sociedade e controlar a barbárie. Sob essa premissa, a violência é equiparada com a expansão do “Estado social de direito”; o tipo de Estado que encapsula o império do direito na Constituição colombiana. A narrativa fundadora da civilização versus barbárie, refletida pela esperança colocada no estado de direito e nas fórmulas para a construção do Estado do Acordo de Paz de 2016, continua a obscurecer as continuidades entre lei e violência, e particularmente o fato de que a execução de instituições legais em territórios que antes “careciam de leis”, mantém a violência do momento da adoção da legalidade. Ambas as explorações teóricas e as empíricas deste processo de expansão do Estado colombiano exigem uma análise crítica das esperanças depositadas na lei. Uma análise crítica desse tipo deve levar em conta as continuidades entre lei e violência exploradas na filosofia política contemporânea e desenvolvidas pela etnografia de Jean e John Comaroff. A produtividade dessa abordagem é destacada nos ensaios deste dossiê, que compartilham o impulso de interromper a narrativa fundacional da civilização e da barbárie que permanece nas instituições do atual esforço pós-conflito da Colômbia.</description><subject>Agreements</subject><subject>Arms control &amp; disarmament</subject><subject>Aspiration</subject><subject>Author: barbarism</subject><subject>barbarie</subject><subject>barbarism</subject><subject>barbárie</subject><subject>civilización</subject><subject>Civilization</subject><subject>civilização</subject><subject>Cocaine</subject><subject>Colonies &amp; territories</subject><subject>Conflict</subject><subject>conflito</subject><subject>derecho y violencia</subject><subject>direito e violência</subject><subject>Economic development</subject><subject>Elites</subject><subject>Ethnography</subject><subject>formación del Estado</subject><subject>formação do Estado</subject><subject>Goldstein, Daniel</subject><subject>Guerrilla forces</subject><subject>Jean and John Comaroff</subject><subject>Jean e John Comaroff</subject><subject>Jean y John Comaroff</subject><subject>Law</subject><subject>law and violence</subject><subject>Legal institutions</subject><subject>Legality</subject><subject>making</subject><subject>Military demobilization</subject><subject>Narratives</subject><subject>National identity</subject><subject>Organized crime</subject><subject>paz</subject><subject>paz territorial</subject><subject>Peace</subject><subject>Peace treaties</subject><subject>Philosophy</subject><subject>Political philosophy</subject><subject>Politics</subject><subject>posconflicto</subject><subject>post</subject><subject>post-conflict</subject><subject>Productivity</subject><subject>pós</subject><subject>Rule of law</subject><subject>SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY</subject><subject>state</subject><subject>State building</subject><subject>state-making</subject><subject>Taussig, Michael</subject><subject>territorial peace</subject><subject>Thesaurus: civilization</subject><subject>Violence</subject><subject>War</subject><issn>0123-885X</issn><issn>1900-5180</issn><fulltext>true</fulltext><rsrctype>article</rsrctype><creationdate>2019</creationdate><recordtype>article</recordtype><sourceid>7UB</sourceid><sourceid>8BJ</sourceid><sourceid>AIMQZ</sourceid><sourceid>ALSLI</sourceid><sourceid>BHHNA</sourceid><sourceid>DPSOV</sourceid><sourceid>HEHIP</sourceid><sourceid>M2L</sourceid><sourceid>M2R</sourceid><sourceid>M2S</sourceid><sourceid>PIMPY</sourceid><sourceid>DOA</sourceid><recordid>eNpVUk2P0zAQjRBIlIUj90icU8aJk9iIS1XxsVIRK3b5uJlJPC7upvau7Qrx73HaAsKSZWv03ps3elMUzxkse87hZaDY9csamFwCe1AsmASoWibgYbEAVjeVEO23x8WTGHcAvGWyWxTfN_izRKfLL9ZP5EYqrSvTDyrXfvL7waIrr3xM1do7M9kxvSqvEyaqPuCtdds_4K94S6U3x_8VYVZZbQPRnlx6WjwyOEV6dn4vis9v39ys31ebj-8u16tNNfK6SRWXpMdsuJaMY0ctsJGIE9MjkDamYWYgoA61Edrwnre9EHIYGORpWa-xuSguT7ra407dBbvH8Et5tOpY8GGrMCQ7TqSExrbPR9c95r5CGE5aDFI3ohW6F1nr9VnL4uQo_S93rh2cDdbvUFFUq083kJ00THLRZvryRI-jpcmrnT8El2dX13MKak5hDmlm5At1Jrw4Ee6Cvz9QTP8oNROyBdkxyKjqhBqDjzGQ-WuLgZoXQB0XQM3aKpv5Da_NoGs</recordid><startdate>20190101</startdate><enddate>20190101</enddate><creator>Lemaitre Ripoll, Julieta</creator><creator>Restrepo Saldarriaga, Esteban</creator><general>Universidad de Los Andes, UNIANDES Journals (Revistas UNIANDES)</general><general>Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de los Andes</general><general>Universidad de los Andes</general><scope>AAYXX</scope><scope>CITATION</scope><scope>0-V</scope><scope>3V.</scope><scope>4T-</scope><scope>4U-</scope><scope>7U4</scope><scope>7UB</scope><scope>7XB</scope><scope>88J</scope><scope>89V</scope><scope>8BJ</scope><scope>8BY</scope><scope>8FK</scope><scope>8G5</scope><scope>ABUWG</scope><scope>AFKRA</scope><scope>AIMQZ</scope><scope>ALSLI</scope><scope>AZQEC</scope><scope>BENPR</scope><scope>BHHNA</scope><scope>CCPQU</scope><scope>CLZPN</scope><scope>DPSOV</scope><scope>DWI</scope><scope>DWQXO</scope><scope>FQK</scope><scope>GNUQQ</scope><scope>GUQSH</scope><scope>HEHIP</scope><scope>JBE</scope><scope>KC-</scope><scope>LIQON</scope><scope>M2L</scope><scope>M2O</scope><scope>M2R</scope><scope>M2S</scope><scope>MBDVC</scope><scope>PIMPY</scope><scope>PQEST</scope><scope>PQQKQ</scope><scope>PQUKI</scope><scope>PRINS</scope><scope>Q9U</scope><scope>WZK</scope><scope>GPN</scope><scope>AGMXS</scope><scope>FKZ</scope><scope>DOA</scope></search><sort><creationdate>20190101</creationdate><title>Law and Violence in the Colombian Post-Conflict: State-Making in the Wake of the Peace Agreement</title><author>Lemaitre Ripoll, Julieta ; Restrepo Saldarriaga, Esteban</author></sort><facets><frbrtype>5</frbrtype><frbrgroupid>cdi_FETCH-LOGICAL-c423t-49edc1902914a6e501cee4e1dc0edff31fbe0e6adf8df47457889bb1001917da3</frbrgroupid><rsrctype>articles</rsrctype><prefilter>articles</prefilter><language>eng</language><creationdate>2019</creationdate><topic>Agreements</topic><topic>Arms control &amp; disarmament</topic><topic>Aspiration</topic><topic>Author: barbarism</topic><topic>barbarie</topic><topic>barbarism</topic><topic>barbárie</topic><topic>civilización</topic><topic>Civilization</topic><topic>civilização</topic><topic>Cocaine</topic><topic>Colonies &amp; territories</topic><topic>Conflict</topic><topic>conflito</topic><topic>derecho y violencia</topic><topic>direito e violência</topic><topic>Economic development</topic><topic>Elites</topic><topic>Ethnography</topic><topic>formación del Estado</topic><topic>formação do Estado</topic><topic>Goldstein, Daniel</topic><topic>Guerrilla forces</topic><topic>Jean and John Comaroff</topic><topic>Jean e John Comaroff</topic><topic>Jean y John Comaroff</topic><topic>Law</topic><topic>law and violence</topic><topic>Legal institutions</topic><topic>Legality</topic><topic>making</topic><topic>Military demobilization</topic><topic>Narratives</topic><topic>National identity</topic><topic>Organized crime</topic><topic>paz</topic><topic>paz territorial</topic><topic>Peace</topic><topic>Peace treaties</topic><topic>Philosophy</topic><topic>Political philosophy</topic><topic>Politics</topic><topic>posconflicto</topic><topic>post</topic><topic>post-conflict</topic><topic>Productivity</topic><topic>pós</topic><topic>Rule of law</topic><topic>SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY</topic><topic>state</topic><topic>State building</topic><topic>state-making</topic><topic>Taussig, Michael</topic><topic>territorial peace</topic><topic>Thesaurus: civilization</topic><topic>Violence</topic><topic>War</topic><toplevel>peer_reviewed</toplevel><toplevel>online_resources</toplevel><creatorcontrib>Lemaitre Ripoll, Julieta</creatorcontrib><creatorcontrib>Restrepo Saldarriaga, Esteban</creatorcontrib><collection>CrossRef</collection><collection>ProQuest Social Sciences Premium Collection</collection><collection>ProQuest Central (Corporate)</collection><collection>Docstoc</collection><collection>University Readers</collection><collection>Sociological Abstracts (pre-2017)</collection><collection>Worldwide Political Science Abstracts</collection><collection>ProQuest Central (purchase pre-March 2016)</collection><collection>Social Science Database (Alumni Edition)</collection><collection>PRISMA Database</collection><collection>International Bibliography of the Social Sciences (IBSS)</collection><collection>PRISMA Database with HAPI Index</collection><collection>ProQuest Central (Alumni) (purchase pre-March 2016)</collection><collection>Research Library (Alumni Edition)</collection><collection>ProQuest Central (Alumni)</collection><collection>ProQuest Central</collection><collection>ProQuest One Literature</collection><collection>Social Science Premium Collection (Proquest) (PQ_SDU_P3)</collection><collection>ProQuest Central Essentials</collection><collection>AUTh Library subscriptions: ProQuest Central</collection><collection>Sociological Abstracts</collection><collection>ProQuest One Community College</collection><collection>Latin America &amp; Iberia Database</collection><collection>Politics Collection</collection><collection>Sociological Abstracts</collection><collection>ProQuest Central Korea</collection><collection>International Bibliography of the Social Sciences</collection><collection>ProQuest Central Student</collection><collection>Research Library Prep</collection><collection>Sociology Collection</collection><collection>International Bibliography of the Social Sciences</collection><collection>ProQuest Politics Collection</collection><collection>ProQuest One Literature</collection><collection>Political Science Database</collection><collection>ProQuest research library</collection><collection>Social Science Database</collection><collection>ProQuest sociology</collection><collection>Research Library (Corporate)</collection><collection>Publicly Available Content Database (Proquest) (PQ_SDU_P3)</collection><collection>ProQuest One Academic Eastern Edition (DO NOT USE)</collection><collection>ProQuest One Academic</collection><collection>ProQuest One Academic UKI Edition</collection><collection>ProQuest Central China</collection><collection>ProQuest Central Basic</collection><collection>Sociological Abstracts (Ovid)</collection><collection>SciELO</collection><collection>Dialnet (Open Access Full Text)</collection><collection>Dialnet</collection><collection>Directory of Open Access Journals</collection><jtitle>Revista de estudios sociales (Bogotá, Colombia)</jtitle></facets><delivery><delcategory>Remote Search Resource</delcategory><fulltext>fulltext</fulltext></delivery><addata><au>Lemaitre Ripoll, Julieta</au><au>Restrepo Saldarriaga, Esteban</au><format>journal</format><genre>article</genre><ristype>JOUR</ristype><atitle>Law and Violence in the Colombian Post-Conflict: State-Making in the Wake of the Peace Agreement</atitle><jtitle>Revista de estudios sociales (Bogotá, Colombia)</jtitle><addtitle>rev.estud.soc</addtitle><date>2019-01-01</date><risdate>2019</risdate><volume>67</volume><issue>67</issue><spage>2</spage><epage>16</epage><pages>2-16</pages><issn>0123-885X</issn><eissn>1900-5180</eissn><abstract>Colombia’s 2016 Peace Agreement with the FARC guerrilla extends beyond the end of the war and those measures for the disarmament, demobilization and reincorporation of former guerrillas. A large portion of the agreement is dedicated to the extension of the presence of the Colombian State into those areas of the country formerly under FARC control. The premise behind this extension, shared by Colombian elites as much as former guerrilla leaders, is that if the State remains absent then the areas will be occupied by criminal organizations interested in controlling the FARC cocaine trade, and, more generally, that the vast and sparsely populated territories will further descend into barbarism. This premise resonates with a long arc of persistent aspiration for a national identity that is shaped by the opposition between civilization and barbarism. Especially since the transformations effected by Colombia’s 1991 Constitution, the extension of civilization has been increasingly identified with the expansion of the rule of law and, therefore, with law’s mythical powers to order society and control barbarism. Under this premise, violence is equated to lawlessness and the remedy for violence assimilated to the expansion of the Estado social de derecho, the state form that embodies the rule of law in the Colombian Constitution. The foundational narrative of civilization versus barbarism, reflected by the hopes placed on the rule of law and the recipes for State-building by the 2016 Peace Agreement, continues to obscure the continuities between law and violence, and particularly the fact that the execution of legal institutions in formerly “lawless” territories maintains the violence of the moment of the adoption of legality. Both theoretical and empirical explorations of the present process of expansion of the Colombian State require critical examination of the hopes vested on law. A critical examination of this sort needs to engage with the continuities between law and violence explored in contemporary political philosophy and developed by Jean and John Comaroff’s ethnography. The productivity of this approach is highlighted by the essays in this dossier, which share the impulse to interrupt the foundational narrative of civilization and barbarism that remains in the institutions of Colombias’s present post-conflict endeavor. El Acuerdo de Paz suscrito con las FARC en 2016 se extiende más allá del fin de la guerra y de las medidas para el desarme, desmovilización y reincorporación de los exguerrilleros. Una parte importante de este acuerdo está dedicada a la ampliación de la presencia del Estado colombiano en aquellas áreas del país que antes se encontraban bajo el control de las FARC. La premisa tras esta expansión, compartida tanto por la élite colombiana como por los exlíderes guerrilleros, es que si el Estado permanece ausente entonces estas áreas serán ocupadas por organizaciones criminales interesadas en controlar el comercio de cocaína de las FARC y, en términos más generales, que los amplios y poco poblados territorios descenderán, aún más, a la barbarie. Esta premisa es reminiscente de la vieja aspiración a una identidad nacional modelada por la oposición entre civilización y barbarie. Especialmente desde la expedición de la Constitución de 1991, la imposición de la civilización se ha identificado cada vez más con la expansión del Estado de derecho y, por lo tanto, con los poderes míticos de la ley para organizar a la sociedad y controlar la barbarie. Aquí, la violencia se equipara a la ausencia de la ley, y se considera que el remedio para la violencia es la expansión del “Estado social de derecho”; esa forma de Estado que recoge el principio del Estado de derecho en la Constitución colombiana. La narrativa fundacional de la civilización y la barbarie, reflejada en la esperanza puesta en el Estado de derecho y el conjunto de recetas para la construcción estatal por el Acuerdo de Paz de 2016, continúa oscureciendo las continuidades entre la ley y la violencia, y particularmente el hecho de que la ejecución del derecho en territorios que antes “carecían de ley”, reproduce la violencia del momento de adopción de la legalidad. Las exploraciones tanto teóricas como empíricas del actual proceso de expansión del Estado colombiano demandan un análisis crítico de las esperanzas depositadas en la ley. Un análisis crítico de este tipo debe tener en cuenta las continuidades entre la ley y la violencia exploradas en la filosofía política contemporánea y desarrollada por la etnografía de Jean y John Comaroff. La utilidad de este enfoque se resalta en los ensayos de este dossier, que comparten el impulso de interrumpir la narrativa fundacional de civilización y barbarie que aparece en las instituciones del posconflicto colombiano. O Acordo de Paz firmado com as Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (FARC) em 2016 estende-se além do fim da guerra e das medidas de desarmamento, desmobilização e reincorporação dos ex-guerrilheiros. Uma grande parte do acordo está dedicada à extensão da presença do Estado colombiano nas áreas do país que antes estavam sob o controle das FARC. A premissa por trás dessa expansão, compartilhada tanto pela elite colombiana quanto pelos ex-líderes guerrilheiros, é que, se o estado continuar ausente, essas áreas serão ocupadas por organizações criminosas interessadas em controlar o tráfico de cocaína das FARC e, em termos mais gerais, os grandes territórios escassamente povoados cairão ainda mais na barbárie. Essa premissa se reflete na aspiração persistente de ter uma identidade nacional moldada pela oposição entre civilização e barbárie. Principalmente a partir das transformações realizadas pela Constituição colombiana de 1991, a extensão da civilização tem sido cada vez mais identificada com a expansão do estado de direito e, portanto, com os poderes míticos da lei para organizar a sociedade e controlar a barbárie. Sob essa premissa, a violência é equiparada com a expansão do “Estado social de direito”; o tipo de Estado que encapsula o império do direito na Constituição colombiana. A narrativa fundadora da civilização versus barbárie, refletida pela esperança colocada no estado de direito e nas fórmulas para a construção do Estado do Acordo de Paz de 2016, continua a obscurecer as continuidades entre lei e violência, e particularmente o fato de que a execução de instituições legais em territórios que antes “careciam de leis”, mantém a violência do momento da adoção da legalidade. Ambas as explorações teóricas e as empíricas deste processo de expansão do Estado colombiano exigem uma análise crítica das esperanças depositadas na lei. Uma análise crítica desse tipo deve levar em conta as continuidades entre lei e violência exploradas na filosofia política contemporânea e desenvolvidas pela etnografia de Jean e John Comaroff. A produtividade dessa abordagem é destacada nos ensaios deste dossiê, que compartilham o impulso de interromper a narrativa fundacional da civilização e da barbárie que permanece nas instituições do atual esforço pós-conflito da Colômbia.</abstract><cop>Bogotá</cop><pub>Universidad de Los Andes, UNIANDES Journals (Revistas UNIANDES)</pub><doi>10.7440/res67.2019.01</doi><tpages>15</tpages><oa>free_for_read</oa></addata></record>
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1900-5180
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subjects Agreements
Arms control & disarmament
Aspiration
Author: barbarism
barbarie
barbarism
barbárie
civilización
Civilization
civilização
Cocaine
Colonies & territories
Conflict
conflito
derecho y violencia
direito e violência
Economic development
Elites
Ethnography
formación del Estado
formação do Estado
Goldstein, Daniel
Guerrilla forces
Jean and John Comaroff
Jean e John Comaroff
Jean y John Comaroff
Law
law and violence
Legal institutions
Legality
making
Military demobilization
Narratives
National identity
Organized crime
paz
paz territorial
Peace
Peace treaties
Philosophy
Political philosophy
Politics
posconflicto
post
post-conflict
Productivity
pós
Rule of law
SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY
state
State building
state-making
Taussig, Michael
territorial peace
Thesaurus: civilization
Violence
War
title Law and Violence in the Colombian Post-Conflict: State-Making in the Wake of the Peace Agreement
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