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Report on an Empirical Study of District Variations, and the Roles of Judges, Trustees and Debtors' Attorneys in Chapter 13 Bankruptcy Cases
While bankruptcies throughout the United States are governed by the same Bankruptcy Code and Rules of Bankruptcy Procedure, there are wide variations across federal judicial districts and divisions in how the law works in practice. The empirical findings that are reported here are based on data from...
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Published in: | The American bankruptcy law journal 2007-09, Vol.81 (4), p.431 |
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description | While bankruptcies throughout the United States are governed by the same Bankruptcy Code and Rules of Bankruptcy Procedure, there are wide variations across federal judicial districts and divisions in how the law works in practice. The empirical findings that are reported here are based on data from the Chapter 13 Project, a multi-district study of the Chapter 13 system and the extent to which it has fulfilled two of its principal purposes - debtor fresh start and creditor repayment. In this article, reports are presented on differences among districts in the debtors who used Chapter 13 and in local case administration practices. This report also begin to explore the roles of the key legal actors in Chapter 13 cases - the bankruptcy judges, Chapter 13 standing trustees and debtors' attorneys. While it is well-established that Chapter 13 discharge rates vary widely across judicial districts, and that bankruptcy and Chapter 13 filing rates differ substantially as well, our data reveal additional, sometimes unexpected, district variations in the debtors who used Chapter 13. Regarding the roles of the key legal actors in Chapter 13 cases, the data reveal significant differences in case outcomes based on the identity of the bankruptcy judge in a few single-judge divisions in three of the sample districts. These findings appear to confirm the influence that bankruptcy judges have over their case outcomes when they can cleanly exert that influence. The findings also imply that judges in multi-judge districts collectively may influence case results decisively, while either different practices or attitudes, or a tendency to gravitate toward common practices and attitudes, among the judges tends to moderate their individual influence. Notably, the data reveal no significant differences in judges' discharge rates based on the rate at which they dismissed cases before confirmation of a plan. Predictably, debtors who were not represented by an attorney were much less likely to achieve a discharge. Debtors represented by a higher-volume practitioner also were significantly less likely (but more likely than pro se debtors) to complete a plan and attain a discharge than debtors represented by a lower volume practitioner. There are wide variations across federal judicial districts in how the bankruptcy laws work in practice, and these differences go well beyond Chapter 7 and Chapter 13 filing rates and proposed distributions to unsecured creditors in Chapter 13 cases. Furt |
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The empirical findings that are reported here are based on data from the Chapter 13 Project, a multi-district study of the Chapter 13 system and the extent to which it has fulfilled two of its principal purposes - debtor fresh start and creditor repayment. In this article, reports are presented on differences among districts in the debtors who used Chapter 13 and in local case administration practices. This report also begin to explore the roles of the key legal actors in Chapter 13 cases - the bankruptcy judges, Chapter 13 standing trustees and debtors' attorneys. While it is well-established that Chapter 13 discharge rates vary widely across judicial districts, and that bankruptcy and Chapter 13 filing rates differ substantially as well, our data reveal additional, sometimes unexpected, district variations in the debtors who used Chapter 13. Regarding the roles of the key legal actors in Chapter 13 cases, the data reveal significant differences in case outcomes based on the identity of the bankruptcy judge in a few single-judge divisions in three of the sample districts. These findings appear to confirm the influence that bankruptcy judges have over their case outcomes when they can cleanly exert that influence. The findings also imply that judges in multi-judge districts collectively may influence case results decisively, while either different practices or attitudes, or a tendency to gravitate toward common practices and attitudes, among the judges tends to moderate their individual influence. Notably, the data reveal no significant differences in judges' discharge rates based on the rate at which they dismissed cases before confirmation of a plan. Predictably, debtors who were not represented by an attorney were much less likely to achieve a discharge. Debtors represented by a higher-volume practitioner also were significantly less likely (but more likely than pro se debtors) to complete a plan and attain a discharge than debtors represented by a lower volume practitioner. There are wide variations across federal judicial districts in how the bankruptcy laws work in practice, and these differences go well beyond Chapter 7 and Chapter 13 filing rates and proposed distributions to unsecured creditors in Chapter 13 cases. Furthermore, Chapter 13 case outcomes varied considerably across districts. We have examined the relation between case outcomes and various case administration practices, and have begun to explore the roles of the key legal actors in the Chapter 13 system, namely the bankruptcy judges, Chapter 13 standing trustees and debtors' attorneys. Finally, the Project data indicate that individual judges can and do exert a decisive influence over case outcomes in some single-judge divisions, but that the Chapter 13 standing trustees in the sample districts did not appear to exert such influence apart from their prominent roles in establishing generally applicable district policies and practices.</description><identifier>ISSN: 0027-9048</identifier><identifier>CODEN: ABLJDQ</identifier><language>eng</language><publisher>Ft. 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The empirical findings that are reported here are based on data from the Chapter 13 Project, a multi-district study of the Chapter 13 system and the extent to which it has fulfilled two of its principal purposes - debtor fresh start and creditor repayment. In this article, reports are presented on differences among districts in the debtors who used Chapter 13 and in local case administration practices. This report also begin to explore the roles of the key legal actors in Chapter 13 cases - the bankruptcy judges, Chapter 13 standing trustees and debtors' attorneys. While it is well-established that Chapter 13 discharge rates vary widely across judicial districts, and that bankruptcy and Chapter 13 filing rates differ substantially as well, our data reveal additional, sometimes unexpected, district variations in the debtors who used Chapter 13. Regarding the roles of the key legal actors in Chapter 13 cases, the data reveal significant differences in case outcomes based on the identity of the bankruptcy judge in a few single-judge divisions in three of the sample districts. These findings appear to confirm the influence that bankruptcy judges have over their case outcomes when they can cleanly exert that influence. The findings also imply that judges in multi-judge districts collectively may influence case results decisively, while either different practices or attitudes, or a tendency to gravitate toward common practices and attitudes, among the judges tends to moderate their individual influence. Notably, the data reveal no significant differences in judges' discharge rates based on the rate at which they dismissed cases before confirmation of a plan. Predictably, debtors who were not represented by an attorney were much less likely to achieve a discharge. Debtors represented by a higher-volume practitioner also were significantly less likely (but more likely than pro se debtors) to complete a plan and attain a discharge than debtors represented by a lower volume practitioner. There are wide variations across federal judicial districts in how the bankruptcy laws work in practice, and these differences go well beyond Chapter 7 and Chapter 13 filing rates and proposed distributions to unsecured creditors in Chapter 13 cases. Furthermore, Chapter 13 case outcomes varied considerably across districts. We have examined the relation between case outcomes and various case administration practices, and have begun to explore the roles of the key legal actors in the Chapter 13 system, namely the bankruptcy judges, Chapter 13 standing trustees and debtors' attorneys. 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The empirical findings that are reported here are based on data from the Chapter 13 Project, a multi-district study of the Chapter 13 system and the extent to which it has fulfilled two of its principal purposes - debtor fresh start and creditor repayment. In this article, reports are presented on differences among districts in the debtors who used Chapter 13 and in local case administration practices. This report also begin to explore the roles of the key legal actors in Chapter 13 cases - the bankruptcy judges, Chapter 13 standing trustees and debtors' attorneys. While it is well-established that Chapter 13 discharge rates vary widely across judicial districts, and that bankruptcy and Chapter 13 filing rates differ substantially as well, our data reveal additional, sometimes unexpected, district variations in the debtors who used Chapter 13. Regarding the roles of the key legal actors in Chapter 13 cases, the data reveal significant differences in case outcomes based on the identity of the bankruptcy judge in a few single-judge divisions in three of the sample districts. These findings appear to confirm the influence that bankruptcy judges have over their case outcomes when they can cleanly exert that influence. The findings also imply that judges in multi-judge districts collectively may influence case results decisively, while either different practices or attitudes, or a tendency to gravitate toward common practices and attitudes, among the judges tends to moderate their individual influence. Notably, the data reveal no significant differences in judges' discharge rates based on the rate at which they dismissed cases before confirmation of a plan. Predictably, debtors who were not represented by an attorney were much less likely to achieve a discharge. Debtors represented by a higher-volume practitioner also were significantly less likely (but more likely than pro se debtors) to complete a plan and attain a discharge than debtors represented by a lower volume practitioner. There are wide variations across federal judicial districts in how the bankruptcy laws work in practice, and these differences go well beyond Chapter 7 and Chapter 13 filing rates and proposed distributions to unsecured creditors in Chapter 13 cases. Furthermore, Chapter 13 case outcomes varied considerably across districts. We have examined the relation between case outcomes and various case administration practices, and have begun to explore the roles of the key legal actors in the Chapter 13 system, namely the bankruptcy judges, Chapter 13 standing trustees and debtors' attorneys. Finally, the Project data indicate that individual judges can and do exert a decisive influence over case outcomes in some single-judge divisions, but that the Chapter 13 standing trustees in the sample districts did not appear to exert such influence apart from their prominent roles in establishing generally applicable district policies and practices.</abstract><cop>Ft. Wayne</cop><pub>National Conference of Bankruptcy Judges</pub></addata></record> |
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subjects | Attorneys Bankruptcy laws Court decisions Debt Debt restructuring Federal courts Personal bankruptcy Statistical significance Trustee in bankruptcy Trustees |
title | Report on an Empirical Study of District Variations, and the Roles of Judges, Trustees and Debtors' Attorneys in Chapter 13 Bankruptcy Cases |
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