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Ensuring US Dominance in Cyberspace in a World of Significant Peer and Near-Peer Competition
In late 2015, China announced the creation of its Strategic Support Force (SSF) to unify the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) cyber, space, and electronic warfare capabilities,1 an effort that parallels the creation of United States Cyber Command (USCYBERCOM) in 2009.2 Just like the United...
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Published in: | Georgetown journal of international affairs 2018-10, Vol.19 (1), p.51-66 |
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description | In late 2015, China announced the creation of its Strategic Support Force (SSF) to unify the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) cyber, space, and electronic warfare capabilities,1 an effort that parallels the creation of United States Cyber Command (USCYBERCOM) in 2009.2 Just like the United States, in recent years China has begun to describe cyberspace as a separate domain of warfare and strategic competition.3 Both China and the United States believe that their respective defense establishments should play a central role in protection of national assets from threats in cyberspace.4 According the US Department of Defense, the creation of the SSF likely represents China's "first step in developing a cyber force that creates efficiencies by combining cyber reconnaissance, attack, and defense capabilities into one organization. "9 Furthermore, USCYBERCOM explicitly differentiates its responsibility to "defend the nation" in cyberspace from its offensive capabilities and its support for active military operations.10 Similarly, Chinese military doctrine writers also differentiate between peacetime defensive operations and wartime military [End Page 51] support and offensive operations.11 At the same time, newer, evolving doctrine in both nations also recognizes that in the cyber domain—as well as in others—the current status quo represents more of a state of "continuous competition" rather than the traditional war-versus-peace paradigm12 and also understands the cyber battlespace as one where the lines between defense and offense are increasingly fluid.13 Given that one primary goal of the SSF is to accelerate the development of Chinese offensive and defensive cyber capabilities,14 and given the rise of a number of other peer and near-peer competitors in cyberspace,15 as well as the inherently asymmetric nature of cyber capabilities, a key question for the United States is how it can maintain the relative dominance it has enjoyed in this new domain of warfare going forward.16 The reality today is that America's relative hegemony in cyberspace as a domain of warfare is being (and will continue to be) contested in cyberspace. Today, the United States faces strategic threats in cyberspace from China as well as from Russia, two longtime key adversaries in this domain.17 The United States and its allies also face tactical threats from a range of actors including increasingly active nation-states like North Korea and Iran as well as a wide array of non-state actors, f |
doi_str_mv | 10.1353/gia.2018.0007 |
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"9 Furthermore, USCYBERCOM explicitly differentiates its responsibility to "defend the nation" in cyberspace from its offensive capabilities and its support for active military operations.10 Similarly, Chinese military doctrine writers also differentiate between peacetime defensive operations and wartime military [End Page 51] support and offensive operations.11 At the same time, newer, evolving doctrine in both nations also recognizes that in the cyber domain—as well as in others—the current status quo represents more of a state of "continuous competition" rather than the traditional war-versus-peace paradigm12 and also understands the cyber battlespace as one where the lines between defense and offense are increasingly fluid.13 Given that one primary goal of the SSF is to accelerate the development of Chinese offensive and defensive cyber capabilities,14 and given the rise of a number of other peer and near-peer competitors in cyberspace,15 as well as the inherently asymmetric nature of cyber capabilities, a key question for the United States is how it can maintain the relative dominance it has enjoyed in this new domain of warfare going forward.16 The reality today is that America's relative hegemony in cyberspace as a domain of warfare is being (and will continue to be) contested in cyberspace. Today, the United States faces strategic threats in cyberspace from China as well as from Russia, two longtime key adversaries in this domain.17 The United States and its allies also face tactical threats from a range of actors including increasingly active nation-states like North Korea and Iran as well as a wide array of non-state actors, from criminal gangs to terrorist groups.18 And some of these latter actors are working on behalf of, or alongside, the nation-states that are also operating against the United States in the cyber domain.19 This paper argues that the best route to continued success for the United States in the cyber domain is to (1) create a more defensible national ecosystem at home and in partnership with key allies; (2) continue to invest significant resources in cyber intelligence collection, offensive and defensive cyber capability development, and game-changing capabilities, including cognitive computing and quantum systems; and (3) create a sustainable deterrence capability in the cyber realm. "26 Concerns raised by these classic economic and political threats are further enhanced by the fact that nation-states like Iran27 and North Korea,28 which typically would not be viewed as near-peer competitors to the United States and its allies in the cyber domain, are nonetheless conducting significant cyber-attacks on United States soil and against American allies.29 Given this range of threats and the fact that the United States and other nations find themselves currently in the middle of a very real series of (albeit minor) military skirmishes in cyberspace, it may be surprising that the United States still finds itself challenged in providing "for the common defense" of the nation in the cyber domain.30 The challenges in the United States do not primarily relate to a lack of forces or capabilities.31 To the contrary, the creation of US Cyber Command in 2009 provides the United States with very real and robust capabilities in both the offensive and defensive areas, capabilities that have the ability to both protect the United States writ large and to make cyber deterrence a reality in the global arena.32 At least in the United States, the challenges to creating a more defensible national cybersecurity ecosystem relate principally to how core roles, responsibilities, and authorities are allocated.</description><identifier>ISSN: 1526-0054</identifier><identifier>ISSN: 2471-8831</identifier><identifier>EISSN: 2471-8831</identifier><identifier>DOI: 10.1353/gia.2018.0007</identifier><language>eng</language><publisher>Washington: Georgetown University Press</publisher><subject>Army ; Competition ; Cybersecurity ; Defense ; Deterrence ; Dominance ; Electronic warfare ; Hegemony ; Infrastructure ; Internet ; Military operations ; Nation states ; National security ; Non-state actors ; Politics ; Private sector ; Safety & Security ; Space warfare ; Terrorism ; Terrorist organizations ; Threats</subject><ispartof>Georgetown journal of international affairs, 2018-10, Vol.19 (1), p.51-66</ispartof><rights>Copyright © 2018 Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service of Georgetown University</rights><rights>Georgetown Journal of International Affairs</rights><rights>Copyright Johns Hopkins University Press Fall 2018</rights><lds50>peer_reviewed</lds50><woscitedreferencessubscribed>false</woscitedreferencessubscribed><citedby>FETCH-LOGICAL-c1775-963fba6ea1e0df60babdd1ec64a5f3608e82e2096210bd45d7ddcd308e4ffa613</citedby></display><links><openurl>$$Topenurl_article</openurl><openurlfulltext>$$Topenurlfull_article</openurlfulltext><thumbnail>$$Tsyndetics_thumb_exl</thumbnail><linktopdf>$$Uhttps://www.proquest.com/docview/2518362925/fulltextPDF?pq-origsite=primo$$EPDF$$P50$$Gproquest$$H</linktopdf><linktohtml>$$Uhttps://www.proquest.com/docview/2518362925?pq-origsite=primo$$EHTML$$P50$$Gproquest$$H</linktohtml><link.rule.ids>314,780,784,12845,21387,21394,27924,27925,33611,33985,43733,43948,58238,58471,74221,74468</link.rule.ids></links><search><creatorcontrib>Alexander, Keith B.</creatorcontrib><creatorcontrib>Jaffer, Jamil N.</creatorcontrib><title>Ensuring US Dominance in Cyberspace in a World of Significant Peer and Near-Peer Competition</title><title>Georgetown journal of international affairs</title><description>In late 2015, China announced the creation of its Strategic Support Force (SSF) to unify the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) cyber, space, and electronic warfare capabilities,1 an effort that parallels the creation of United States Cyber Command (USCYBERCOM) in 2009.2 Just like the United States, in recent years China has begun to describe cyberspace as a separate domain of warfare and strategic competition.3 Both China and the United States believe that their respective defense establishments should play a central role in protection of national assets from threats in cyberspace.4 According the US Department of Defense, the creation of the SSF likely represents China's "first step in developing a cyber force that creates efficiencies by combining cyber reconnaissance, attack, and defense capabilities into one organization. "9 Furthermore, USCYBERCOM explicitly differentiates its responsibility to "defend the nation" in cyberspace from its offensive capabilities and its support for active military operations.10 Similarly, Chinese military doctrine writers also differentiate between peacetime defensive operations and wartime military [End Page 51] support and offensive operations.11 At the same time, newer, evolving doctrine in both nations also recognizes that in the cyber domain—as well as in others—the current status quo represents more of a state of "continuous competition" rather than the traditional war-versus-peace paradigm12 and also understands the cyber battlespace as one where the lines between defense and offense are increasingly fluid.13 Given that one primary goal of the SSF is to accelerate the development of Chinese offensive and defensive cyber capabilities,14 and given the rise of a number of other peer and near-peer competitors in cyberspace,15 as well as the inherently asymmetric nature of cyber capabilities, a key question for the United States is how it can maintain the relative dominance it has enjoyed in this new domain of warfare going forward.16 The reality today is that America's relative hegemony in cyberspace as a domain of warfare is being (and will continue to be) contested in cyberspace. Today, the United States faces strategic threats in cyberspace from China as well as from Russia, two longtime key adversaries in this domain.17 The United States and its allies also face tactical threats from a range of actors including increasingly active nation-states like North Korea and Iran as well as a wide array of non-state actors, from criminal gangs to terrorist groups.18 And some of these latter actors are working on behalf of, or alongside, the nation-states that are also operating against the United States in the cyber domain.19 This paper argues that the best route to continued success for the United States in the cyber domain is to (1) create a more defensible national ecosystem at home and in partnership with key allies; (2) continue to invest significant resources in cyber intelligence collection, offensive and defensive cyber capability development, and game-changing capabilities, including cognitive computing and quantum systems; and (3) create a sustainable deterrence capability in the cyber realm. "26 Concerns raised by these classic economic and political threats are further enhanced by the fact that nation-states like Iran27 and North Korea,28 which typically would not be viewed as near-peer competitors to the United States and its allies in the cyber domain, are nonetheless conducting significant cyber-attacks on United States soil and against American allies.29 Given this range of threats and the fact that the United States and other nations find themselves currently in the middle of a very real series of (albeit minor) military skirmishes in cyberspace, it may be surprising that the United States still finds itself challenged in providing "for the common defense" of the nation in the cyber domain.30 The challenges in the United States do not primarily relate to a lack of forces or capabilities.31 To the contrary, the creation of US Cyber Command in 2009 provides the United States with very real and robust capabilities in both the offensive and defensive areas, capabilities that have the ability to both protect the United States writ large and to make cyber deterrence a reality in the global arena.32 At least in the United States, the challenges to creating a more defensible national cybersecurity ecosystem relate principally to how core roles, responsibilities, and authorities are allocated.</description><subject>Army</subject><subject>Competition</subject><subject>Cybersecurity</subject><subject>Defense</subject><subject>Deterrence</subject><subject>Dominance</subject><subject>Electronic warfare</subject><subject>Hegemony</subject><subject>Infrastructure</subject><subject>Internet</subject><subject>Military operations</subject><subject>Nation states</subject><subject>National security</subject><subject>Non-state actors</subject><subject>Politics</subject><subject>Private sector</subject><subject>Safety & Security</subject><subject>Space warfare</subject><subject>Terrorism</subject><subject>Terrorist organizations</subject><subject>Threats</subject><issn>1526-0054</issn><issn>2471-8831</issn><issn>2471-8831</issn><fulltext>true</fulltext><rsrctype>article</rsrctype><creationdate>2018</creationdate><recordtype>article</recordtype><sourceid>7UB</sourceid><sourceid>ALSLI</sourceid><sourceid>DPSOV</sourceid><sourceid>M2L</sourceid><recordid>eNpFkEtLAzEUhYMoWB9Ll0LA9dSbZJLMLKXWBxQVanEjhMwkKSltUpPpov_eGSu6upzLecCH0BWBMWGc3S69HlMg1RgA5BEa0VKSoqoYOUYjwqkoAHh5is5yXgFQkEyO0Oc05F3yYYkXc3wfNz7o0FrsA57sG5vyVh-Uxh8xrQ2ODs_9MnjnWx06_GZtwjoY_GJ1Kn7UJG62tvOdj-ECnTi9zvby956jxcP0ffJUzF4fnyd3s6IlUvKiFsw1WlhNLBgnoNGNMcS2otTcMQGVrailUAtKoDElN9KY1rD-XzqnBWHn6ObQu03xa2dzp1Zxl0I_qSgnFRO0prx3FQdXm2LOyTq1TX6j014RUANA1QNUA0A1AOz95V_ryrbdZpftf7GEuuag5gPkgTGpYEgNsetDbJW7mP42qOBCcirZN8DkfQI</recordid><startdate>20181001</startdate><enddate>20181001</enddate><creator>Alexander, Keith B.</creator><creator>Jaffer, Jamil N.</creator><general>Georgetown University Press</general><general>Johns Hopkins University Press</general><scope>AAYXX</scope><scope>CITATION</scope><scope>0-V</scope><scope>3V.</scope><scope>4U-</scope><scope>7UB</scope><scope>7XB</scope><scope>8FK</scope><scope>ABUWG</scope><scope>AFKRA</scope><scope>ALSLI</scope><scope>AZQEC</scope><scope>BENPR</scope><scope>CCPQU</scope><scope>DPSOV</scope><scope>DWQXO</scope><scope>GNUQQ</scope><scope>GUQSH</scope><scope>KC-</scope><scope>M1Q</scope><scope>M2L</scope><scope>M2O</scope><scope>MBDVC</scope><scope>PQEST</scope><scope>PQQKQ</scope><scope>PQUKI</scope><scope>PRINS</scope><scope>Q9U</scope><scope>S0X</scope></search><sort><creationdate>20181001</creationdate><title>Ensuring US Dominance in Cyberspace in a World of Significant Peer and Near-Peer Competition</title><author>Alexander, Keith B. ; Jaffer, Jamil N.</author></sort><facets><frbrtype>5</frbrtype><frbrgroupid>cdi_FETCH-LOGICAL-c1775-963fba6ea1e0df60babdd1ec64a5f3608e82e2096210bd45d7ddcd308e4ffa613</frbrgroupid><rsrctype>articles</rsrctype><prefilter>articles</prefilter><language>eng</language><creationdate>2018</creationdate><topic>Army</topic><topic>Competition</topic><topic>Cybersecurity</topic><topic>Defense</topic><topic>Deterrence</topic><topic>Dominance</topic><topic>Electronic warfare</topic><topic>Hegemony</topic><topic>Infrastructure</topic><topic>Internet</topic><topic>Military operations</topic><topic>Nation states</topic><topic>National security</topic><topic>Non-state actors</topic><topic>Politics</topic><topic>Private sector</topic><topic>Safety & Security</topic><topic>Space warfare</topic><topic>Terrorism</topic><topic>Terrorist organizations</topic><topic>Threats</topic><toplevel>peer_reviewed</toplevel><toplevel>online_resources</toplevel><creatorcontrib>Alexander, Keith B.</creatorcontrib><creatorcontrib>Jaffer, Jamil N.</creatorcontrib><collection>CrossRef</collection><collection>ProQuest Social Sciences Premium Collection【Remote access available】</collection><collection>ProQuest Central (Corporate)</collection><collection>University Readers</collection><collection>Worldwide Political Science Abstracts</collection><collection>ProQuest Central (purchase pre-March 2016)</collection><collection>ProQuest Central (Alumni) (purchase pre-March 2016)</collection><collection>ProQuest Central (Alumni)</collection><collection>ProQuest Central UK/Ireland</collection><collection>ProQuest Social Science Premium Collection</collection><collection>ProQuest Central Essentials</collection><collection>ProQuest Central</collection><collection>ProQuest One Community College</collection><collection>Politics Collection</collection><collection>ProQuest Central Korea</collection><collection>ProQuest Central Student</collection><collection>Research Library Prep</collection><collection>ProQuest Politics Collection</collection><collection>Military Database</collection><collection>Political Science Database</collection><collection>ProQuest research library</collection><collection>Research Library (Corporate)</collection><collection>ProQuest One Academic Eastern Edition (DO NOT USE)</collection><collection>ProQuest One Academic</collection><collection>ProQuest One Academic UKI Edition</collection><collection>ProQuest Central China</collection><collection>ProQuest Central Basic</collection><collection>SIRS Editorial</collection><jtitle>Georgetown journal of international affairs</jtitle></facets><delivery><delcategory>Remote Search Resource</delcategory><fulltext>fulltext</fulltext></delivery><addata><au>Alexander, Keith B.</au><au>Jaffer, Jamil N.</au><format>journal</format><genre>article</genre><ristype>JOUR</ristype><atitle>Ensuring US Dominance in Cyberspace in a World of Significant Peer and Near-Peer Competition</atitle><jtitle>Georgetown journal of international affairs</jtitle><date>2018-10-01</date><risdate>2018</risdate><volume>19</volume><issue>1</issue><spage>51</spage><epage>66</epage><pages>51-66</pages><issn>1526-0054</issn><issn>2471-8831</issn><eissn>2471-8831</eissn><abstract>In late 2015, China announced the creation of its Strategic Support Force (SSF) to unify the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) cyber, space, and electronic warfare capabilities,1 an effort that parallels the creation of United States Cyber Command (USCYBERCOM) in 2009.2 Just like the United States, in recent years China has begun to describe cyberspace as a separate domain of warfare and strategic competition.3 Both China and the United States believe that their respective defense establishments should play a central role in protection of national assets from threats in cyberspace.4 According the US Department of Defense, the creation of the SSF likely represents China's "first step in developing a cyber force that creates efficiencies by combining cyber reconnaissance, attack, and defense capabilities into one organization. "9 Furthermore, USCYBERCOM explicitly differentiates its responsibility to "defend the nation" in cyberspace from its offensive capabilities and its support for active military operations.10 Similarly, Chinese military doctrine writers also differentiate between peacetime defensive operations and wartime military [End Page 51] support and offensive operations.11 At the same time, newer, evolving doctrine in both nations also recognizes that in the cyber domain—as well as in others—the current status quo represents more of a state of "continuous competition" rather than the traditional war-versus-peace paradigm12 and also understands the cyber battlespace as one where the lines between defense and offense are increasingly fluid.13 Given that one primary goal of the SSF is to accelerate the development of Chinese offensive and defensive cyber capabilities,14 and given the rise of a number of other peer and near-peer competitors in cyberspace,15 as well as the inherently asymmetric nature of cyber capabilities, a key question for the United States is how it can maintain the relative dominance it has enjoyed in this new domain of warfare going forward.16 The reality today is that America's relative hegemony in cyberspace as a domain of warfare is being (and will continue to be) contested in cyberspace. Today, the United States faces strategic threats in cyberspace from China as well as from Russia, two longtime key adversaries in this domain.17 The United States and its allies also face tactical threats from a range of actors including increasingly active nation-states like North Korea and Iran as well as a wide array of non-state actors, from criminal gangs to terrorist groups.18 And some of these latter actors are working on behalf of, or alongside, the nation-states that are also operating against the United States in the cyber domain.19 This paper argues that the best route to continued success for the United States in the cyber domain is to (1) create a more defensible national ecosystem at home and in partnership with key allies; (2) continue to invest significant resources in cyber intelligence collection, offensive and defensive cyber capability development, and game-changing capabilities, including cognitive computing and quantum systems; and (3) create a sustainable deterrence capability in the cyber realm. "26 Concerns raised by these classic economic and political threats are further enhanced by the fact that nation-states like Iran27 and North Korea,28 which typically would not be viewed as near-peer competitors to the United States and its allies in the cyber domain, are nonetheless conducting significant cyber-attacks on United States soil and against American allies.29 Given this range of threats and the fact that the United States and other nations find themselves currently in the middle of a very real series of (albeit minor) military skirmishes in cyberspace, it may be surprising that the United States still finds itself challenged in providing "for the common defense" of the nation in the cyber domain.30 The challenges in the United States do not primarily relate to a lack of forces or capabilities.31 To the contrary, the creation of US Cyber Command in 2009 provides the United States with very real and robust capabilities in both the offensive and defensive areas, capabilities that have the ability to both protect the United States writ large and to make cyber deterrence a reality in the global arena.32 At least in the United States, the challenges to creating a more defensible national cybersecurity ecosystem relate principally to how core roles, responsibilities, and authorities are allocated.</abstract><cop>Washington</cop><pub>Georgetown University Press</pub><doi>10.1353/gia.2018.0007</doi><tpages>16</tpages></addata></record> |
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subjects | Army Competition Cybersecurity Defense Deterrence Dominance Electronic warfare Hegemony Infrastructure Internet Military operations Nation states National security Non-state actors Politics Private sector Safety & Security Space warfare Terrorism Terrorist organizations Threats |
title | Ensuring US Dominance in Cyberspace in a World of Significant Peer and Near-Peer Competition |
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