Same Degree of Intensification with Different Degrees of Sentential Projections

• Published in: Lingua Sinica 2021-01, Vol.7 (1), p.1-22
• Main Authors: Xiong, Jiajuan, Hsieh, Feng-fan
• Format: Article
• Language: English
• Subjects: DegP; ExclP; Feature checking; FinP; FocP; Function words; Intensifiers; Mandarin; Predicate; Reading; Semantic features; sentential functions; SFPs; Syntax
• ISSN: 2197-6678; 2197-6678
• DOI: 10.2478/linguasinica-2021-0001

In Chengdu Chinese, degree intensifiers for APs/VPs are attested to pair with three different types of sentence-final particles (SFPs), i.e., the FinP-level, the FocP-level and the ExclP-level SFPs, which function to complete a sentence, encode a focus and express exclamation. In our analysis, a degree intensifier projects a DegP, which pairs with one of the three sentential projections, viz., FinP, FocP and ExclP. This pairing is motivated by feature checking, as intensifiers contain the uninterpretable semantic features of [+Fin], [+Foc] or [+Excl], which need to be checked by sentential projections. Due to the inalienable sentential functions, intensifiers are barred from occurring in any kind of non-finite contexts. Furthermore, FinP and FocP are within the P-domain, whereas ExclP is in the CP domain. Thus, ExclP-type intensifiers, unlike FinP-type and FocP-type intensifiers, defy relativization. This study of associating degree intensification with sentential functions not only explains the syntactic behaviors of Chengdu intensifiers but also sheds new light on the well-known Mandarin puzzle.