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Your Need Doesn't Appeal to Me: How Social Class Shapes Charitable Giving Across Causes

Two recent tragedies received worldwide attention: the Cyclone Idai and the Notre-Dame Cathedral fire. While the former ranks as one of the deadliest tropical cyclones on record, the latter, though tragic for its cultural significance, did not affect people's access to pressing needs. Yet, memb...

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Main Authors: Vieltes, Yan, Goldszmidt, Rafael, Andrade, Eduardo B
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description Two recent tragedies received worldwide attention: the Cyclone Idai and the Notre-Dame Cathedral fire. While the former ranks as one of the deadliest tropical cyclones on record, the latter, though tragic for its cultural significance, did not affect people's access to pressing needs. Yet, members of the elite donated approximately ten times more to the rebuilding of the Notre-Dame Cathedral than to the victims of the cyclone (Martin 2019; Walsh 2019). Although celebrated by some, the enormous amounts donated to the Notre-Dame Cathedral have also triggered a massive public backlash (Sullivan 2019). At the center of the criticism was the question: which social causes are worthy of philanthropy for the rich? In this research, we shall demonstrate how a basic psychological process (i.e., sensitivity to need) may help explain this intriguing question. Individual experiences have been shown to largely shape donation preferences (Radley and Kennedy 1995). Small and Simonsohn (2008), for instance, showed that past experiences with a friend's misfortune increases sympathy towards other victims from the same plight. However, since social class often shapes personal experiences in a relatively homogeneous way (Kraus et al. 2012), it may well mold people's relative sensitivity to particular sets of misfortunes and thereby influence their prosocial choices. Given that lower-class individuals are embedded in contexts of generalized scarcity (Piff et al. 2012), we reasoned that they would present a greater sensitivity to the degree of need of social causes relative to their higher-class counterparts. Implicit in this reasoning is the idea that going from scarcity to abundance changes not only the amount of resources one has to give, but also the dimensions consumers are more sensitive to during the donation process. Among the poor, scarcity-based experiences should increase the donor's sensitivity to need. As a result, they should be more inclined to donate to more pressing causes (e.g., helping the homeless find shelter) than to relatively less pressing ones (e.g., promoting cultural activities). Among the wealthy, abundance-based experiences should reduce the donor's sensitivity to need and enhance the weight of other factors (e.g., social signaling; Sargeant and Woodliffe 2007). We test this possibility across 5 field studies with residents from extremely poor and wealthy areas of Brazil. In study 1, participants received five R$2.00 bills in return for their partici
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While the former ranks as one of the deadliest tropical cyclones on record, the latter, though tragic for its cultural significance, did not affect people's access to pressing needs. Yet, members of the elite donated approximately ten times more to the rebuilding of the Notre-Dame Cathedral than to the victims of the cyclone (Martin 2019; Walsh 2019). Although celebrated by some, the enormous amounts donated to the Notre-Dame Cathedral have also triggered a massive public backlash (Sullivan 2019). At the center of the criticism was the question: which social causes are worthy of philanthropy for the rich? In this research, we shall demonstrate how a basic psychological process (i.e., sensitivity to need) may help explain this intriguing question. Individual experiences have been shown to largely shape donation preferences (Radley and Kennedy 1995). Small and Simonsohn (2008), for instance, showed that past experiences with a friend's misfortune increases sympathy towards other victims from the same plight. However, since social class often shapes personal experiences in a relatively homogeneous way (Kraus et al. 2012), it may well mold people's relative sensitivity to particular sets of misfortunes and thereby influence their prosocial choices. Given that lower-class individuals are embedded in contexts of generalized scarcity (Piff et al. 2012), we reasoned that they would present a greater sensitivity to the degree of need of social causes relative to their higher-class counterparts. Implicit in this reasoning is the idea that going from scarcity to abundance changes not only the amount of resources one has to give, but also the dimensions consumers are more sensitive to during the donation process. Among the poor, scarcity-based experiences should increase the donor's sensitivity to need. As a result, they should be more inclined to donate to more pressing causes (e.g., helping the homeless find shelter) than to relatively less pressing ones (e.g., promoting cultural activities). Among the wealthy, abundance-based experiences should reduce the donor's sensitivity to need and enhance the weight of other factors (e.g., social signaling; Sargeant and Woodliffe 2007). We test this possibility across 5 field studies with residents from extremely poor and wealthy areas of Brazil. In study 1, participants received five R$2.00 bills in return for their participation. Upon completion of a filler questionnaire, respondents learned that research assistants were collecting resources for two campaigns, one to help the homeless find shelter (a pretested pressing need) and the other to help promote cultural activities (a pretested non-pressing need). Participants were then given two envelopes containing a pictorial depiction of each cause and instructed to deposit the money they were willing to donate (including any) in the designated envelope. As expected, higher-class consumers donated less than their lower-class counterparts to a cause concerned with the homeless but donated more when the cause concerned cultural activities. Study 2 uses another combination of causes (food and culture) and provides initial process evidence. This study relies on the same procedure as study 1 except that half of the participants received an envelope containing a neutral pictorial appeal, whereas the other half received an envelope containing a visceral graphic appeal. If findings from study 1 are indeed explained by a sensitivity gap, then presenting the causes in a way that makes the degree of necessity emotionally/viscerally salient to all participants would make both higher- and lower-class consumers more likely to donate to the most pressing cause. That was indeed the case. When assigned to the neutral condition, higher-class participants donated more to culture than food, whereas the opposite held true for their lower-class counterparts. However, when assigned to the visceral condition, both groups became more charitable to the food-related cause. Study 3 replicated the procedure of study 2 in a hypothetical scenario and asked participants to indicate not only the social cause they would contribute more money, but also the reason why they chose to donate more to one cause or the other (degree of need, affinity, or other motive). Beyond replicating findings from study 2, results also showed that the effect of the viscerality manipulation on patterns of giving was explained by the increase in the sensitivity to need among the wealthy in the visceral (vs. neutral) condition. Study 4 relies on a distinct approach to examine the mechanism. Participants were offered the opportunity to donate to one of two causes in a hypothetical scenario. For half of the participants, the tradeoff hinged upon shelter and sports, whereas for the other half the options were safety and sports. A pretest showed that lower-class consumers experience much higher scarcity in the access to shelter than their higher-class counterparts, but both groups share similar scarcity experiences in terms of safety. Since our rationale predicts that higher scarcity experiences prompt a higher sensitivity to need, we reasoned that lower-class participants would donate more to the most pressing cause than their higher-class peers when the pair of available causes were shelter and sports but not when the pair of causes were safety and sports. This prediction was fully supported. Our final study adopts a framing strategy to provide further evidence for the proposed mechanism. Participants were offered the opportunity to donate to a shelter-related cause and/or a sports-related cause in a hypothetical scenario. Whereas for half of the participants, the shelter-related appeal emphasized the benefits inherently connected to having access to adequate shelter (e.g., well-being), for the other half the appeal centered on the idea that reducing homelessness might help promote safety in the city. As expected, emphasizing the safety-related benefits of helping homeless people increased sensitivity to need, and thereby donation amounts, among the higher-class more than among the lower-class. This research offers two main contributions. First, we move beyond the question of who behaves more prosocially to assess when and why members of contrasting socioeconomic backgrounds act the most on behalf of others. Second, we extend the finding that personal experiences shape sympathy towards specific causes by showing how it can reflect a group-based phenomenon.</description><identifier>ISSN: 0098-9258</identifier><language>eng</language><publisher>Urbana: Association for Consumer Research</publisher><subject>Consumer behavior ; Donations ; Philanthropy ; Social classes</subject><ispartof>Advances in Consumer Research, 2020, Vol.48, p.760-761</ispartof><rights>Copyright Association for Consumer Research 2020</rights><lds50>peer_reviewed</lds50><woscitedreferencessubscribed>false</woscitedreferencessubscribed></display><links><openurl>$$Topenurl_article</openurl><openurlfulltext>$$Topenurlfull_article</openurlfulltext><thumbnail>$$Tsyndetics_thumb_exl</thumbnail><link.rule.ids>309,310,780,784,789,790,23930,23931,25140</link.rule.ids></links><search><creatorcontrib>Vieltes, Yan</creatorcontrib><creatorcontrib>Goldszmidt, Rafael</creatorcontrib><creatorcontrib>Andrade, Eduardo B</creatorcontrib><title>Your Need Doesn't Appeal to Me: How Social Class Shapes Charitable Giving Across Causes</title><title>Advances in Consumer Research</title><description>Two recent tragedies received worldwide attention: the Cyclone Idai and the Notre-Dame Cathedral fire. While the former ranks as one of the deadliest tropical cyclones on record, the latter, though tragic for its cultural significance, did not affect people's access to pressing needs. Yet, members of the elite donated approximately ten times more to the rebuilding of the Notre-Dame Cathedral than to the victims of the cyclone (Martin 2019; Walsh 2019). Although celebrated by some, the enormous amounts donated to the Notre-Dame Cathedral have also triggered a massive public backlash (Sullivan 2019). At the center of the criticism was the question: which social causes are worthy of philanthropy for the rich? In this research, we shall demonstrate how a basic psychological process (i.e., sensitivity to need) may help explain this intriguing question. Individual experiences have been shown to largely shape donation preferences (Radley and Kennedy 1995). Small and Simonsohn (2008), for instance, showed that past experiences with a friend's misfortune increases sympathy towards other victims from the same plight. However, since social class often shapes personal experiences in a relatively homogeneous way (Kraus et al. 2012), it may well mold people's relative sensitivity to particular sets of misfortunes and thereby influence their prosocial choices. Given that lower-class individuals are embedded in contexts of generalized scarcity (Piff et al. 2012), we reasoned that they would present a greater sensitivity to the degree of need of social causes relative to their higher-class counterparts. Implicit in this reasoning is the idea that going from scarcity to abundance changes not only the amount of resources one has to give, but also the dimensions consumers are more sensitive to during the donation process. Among the poor, scarcity-based experiences should increase the donor's sensitivity to need. As a result, they should be more inclined to donate to more pressing causes (e.g., helping the homeless find shelter) than to relatively less pressing ones (e.g., promoting cultural activities). Among the wealthy, abundance-based experiences should reduce the donor's sensitivity to need and enhance the weight of other factors (e.g., social signaling; Sargeant and Woodliffe 2007). We test this possibility across 5 field studies with residents from extremely poor and wealthy areas of Brazil. In study 1, participants received five R$2.00 bills in return for their participation. Upon completion of a filler questionnaire, respondents learned that research assistants were collecting resources for two campaigns, one to help the homeless find shelter (a pretested pressing need) and the other to help promote cultural activities (a pretested non-pressing need). Participants were then given two envelopes containing a pictorial depiction of each cause and instructed to deposit the money they were willing to donate (including any) in the designated envelope. As expected, higher-class consumers donated less than their lower-class counterparts to a cause concerned with the homeless but donated more when the cause concerned cultural activities. Study 2 uses another combination of causes (food and culture) and provides initial process evidence. This study relies on the same procedure as study 1 except that half of the participants received an envelope containing a neutral pictorial appeal, whereas the other half received an envelope containing a visceral graphic appeal. If findings from study 1 are indeed explained by a sensitivity gap, then presenting the causes in a way that makes the degree of necessity emotionally/viscerally salient to all participants would make both higher- and lower-class consumers more likely to donate to the most pressing cause. That was indeed the case. When assigned to the neutral condition, higher-class participants donated more to culture than food, whereas the opposite held true for their lower-class counterparts. However, when assigned to the visceral condition, both groups became more charitable to the food-related cause. Study 3 replicated the procedure of study 2 in a hypothetical scenario and asked participants to indicate not only the social cause they would contribute more money, but also the reason why they chose to donate more to one cause or the other (degree of need, affinity, or other motive). Beyond replicating findings from study 2, results also showed that the effect of the viscerality manipulation on patterns of giving was explained by the increase in the sensitivity to need among the wealthy in the visceral (vs. neutral) condition. Study 4 relies on a distinct approach to examine the mechanism. Participants were offered the opportunity to donate to one of two causes in a hypothetical scenario. For half of the participants, the tradeoff hinged upon shelter and sports, whereas for the other half the options were safety and sports. A pretest showed that lower-class consumers experience much higher scarcity in the access to shelter than their higher-class counterparts, but both groups share similar scarcity experiences in terms of safety. Since our rationale predicts that higher scarcity experiences prompt a higher sensitivity to need, we reasoned that lower-class participants would donate more to the most pressing cause than their higher-class peers when the pair of available causes were shelter and sports but not when the pair of causes were safety and sports. This prediction was fully supported. Our final study adopts a framing strategy to provide further evidence for the proposed mechanism. Participants were offered the opportunity to donate to a shelter-related cause and/or a sports-related cause in a hypothetical scenario. Whereas for half of the participants, the shelter-related appeal emphasized the benefits inherently connected to having access to adequate shelter (e.g., well-being), for the other half the appeal centered on the idea that reducing homelessness might help promote safety in the city. 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While the former ranks as one of the deadliest tropical cyclones on record, the latter, though tragic for its cultural significance, did not affect people's access to pressing needs. Yet, members of the elite donated approximately ten times more to the rebuilding of the Notre-Dame Cathedral than to the victims of the cyclone (Martin 2019; Walsh 2019). Although celebrated by some, the enormous amounts donated to the Notre-Dame Cathedral have also triggered a massive public backlash (Sullivan 2019). At the center of the criticism was the question: which social causes are worthy of philanthropy for the rich? In this research, we shall demonstrate how a basic psychological process (i.e., sensitivity to need) may help explain this intriguing question. Individual experiences have been shown to largely shape donation preferences (Radley and Kennedy 1995). Small and Simonsohn (2008), for instance, showed that past experiences with a friend's misfortune increases sympathy towards other victims from the same plight. However, since social class often shapes personal experiences in a relatively homogeneous way (Kraus et al. 2012), it may well mold people's relative sensitivity to particular sets of misfortunes and thereby influence their prosocial choices. Given that lower-class individuals are embedded in contexts of generalized scarcity (Piff et al. 2012), we reasoned that they would present a greater sensitivity to the degree of need of social causes relative to their higher-class counterparts. Implicit in this reasoning is the idea that going from scarcity to abundance changes not only the amount of resources one has to give, but also the dimensions consumers are more sensitive to during the donation process. Among the poor, scarcity-based experiences should increase the donor's sensitivity to need. As a result, they should be more inclined to donate to more pressing causes (e.g., helping the homeless find shelter) than to relatively less pressing ones (e.g., promoting cultural activities). Among the wealthy, abundance-based experiences should reduce the donor's sensitivity to need and enhance the weight of other factors (e.g., social signaling; Sargeant and Woodliffe 2007). We test this possibility across 5 field studies with residents from extremely poor and wealthy areas of Brazil. In study 1, participants received five R$2.00 bills in return for their participation. Upon completion of a filler questionnaire, respondents learned that research assistants were collecting resources for two campaigns, one to help the homeless find shelter (a pretested pressing need) and the other to help promote cultural activities (a pretested non-pressing need). Participants were then given two envelopes containing a pictorial depiction of each cause and instructed to deposit the money they were willing to donate (including any) in the designated envelope. As expected, higher-class consumers donated less than their lower-class counterparts to a cause concerned with the homeless but donated more when the cause concerned cultural activities. Study 2 uses another combination of causes (food and culture) and provides initial process evidence. This study relies on the same procedure as study 1 except that half of the participants received an envelope containing a neutral pictorial appeal, whereas the other half received an envelope containing a visceral graphic appeal. If findings from study 1 are indeed explained by a sensitivity gap, then presenting the causes in a way that makes the degree of necessity emotionally/viscerally salient to all participants would make both higher- and lower-class consumers more likely to donate to the most pressing cause. That was indeed the case. When assigned to the neutral condition, higher-class participants donated more to culture than food, whereas the opposite held true for their lower-class counterparts. However, when assigned to the visceral condition, both groups became more charitable to the food-related cause. Study 3 replicated the procedure of study 2 in a hypothetical scenario and asked participants to indicate not only the social cause they would contribute more money, but also the reason why they chose to donate more to one cause or the other (degree of need, affinity, or other motive). Beyond replicating findings from study 2, results also showed that the effect of the viscerality manipulation on patterns of giving was explained by the increase in the sensitivity to need among the wealthy in the visceral (vs. neutral) condition. Study 4 relies on a distinct approach to examine the mechanism. Participants were offered the opportunity to donate to one of two causes in a hypothetical scenario. For half of the participants, the tradeoff hinged upon shelter and sports, whereas for the other half the options were safety and sports. A pretest showed that lower-class consumers experience much higher scarcity in the access to shelter than their higher-class counterparts, but both groups share similar scarcity experiences in terms of safety. Since our rationale predicts that higher scarcity experiences prompt a higher sensitivity to need, we reasoned that lower-class participants would donate more to the most pressing cause than their higher-class peers when the pair of available causes were shelter and sports but not when the pair of causes were safety and sports. This prediction was fully supported. Our final study adopts a framing strategy to provide further evidence for the proposed mechanism. Participants were offered the opportunity to donate to a shelter-related cause and/or a sports-related cause in a hypothetical scenario. Whereas for half of the participants, the shelter-related appeal emphasized the benefits inherently connected to having access to adequate shelter (e.g., well-being), for the other half the appeal centered on the idea that reducing homelessness might help promote safety in the city. As expected, emphasizing the safety-related benefits of helping homeless people increased sensitivity to need, and thereby donation amounts, among the higher-class more than among the lower-class. This research offers two main contributions. First, we move beyond the question of who behaves more prosocially to assess when and why members of contrasting socioeconomic backgrounds act the most on behalf of others. Second, we extend the finding that personal experiences shape sympathy towards specific causes by showing how it can reflect a group-based phenomenon.</abstract><cop>Urbana</cop><pub>Association for Consumer Research</pub></addata></record>
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subjects Consumer behavior
Donations
Philanthropy
Social classes
title Your Need Doesn't Appeal to Me: How Social Class Shapes Charitable Giving Across Causes
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