Developing incrementality in filler-gap dependency processing

• Published in: Cognition 2018-10, Vol.179, p.132-149
• Main Authors: Atkinson, Emily, Wagers, Matthew W., Lidz, Jeffrey, Phillips, Colin, Omaki, Akira
• Format: Article
• Language: English
• Subjects: Adults; Ambiguity; Bias; Child-directed speech; Children; Children & youth; Cognitive ability; Cognitive development; Comprehension; Corpus analysis; Corpus linguistics; Cues; Dependency; Dependency grammar; Eye movements; Eye tracking; Filler-gap dependency; Language thought relationship; Linguistics; Noun phrases; Prediction; Sentence processing; Syntactic processing; Tracking; Visual world; Vocabulary; Vocabulary development; Vocabulary size; Wh-questions
• ISSN: 0010-0277; 1873-7838
• DOI: 10.1016/j.cognition.2018.05.022

Much work has demonstrated that children are able to use bottom-up linguistic cues to incrementally interpret sentences, but there is little understanding of the extent to which children’s comprehension mechanisms are guided by top-down linguistic information that can be learned from distributional regularities in the input. Using a visual world eye tracking experiment and a corpus analysis, the current study investigates whether 5- and 6-year-old children incrementally assign interpretations to temporarily ambiguous wh-questions like What was Emily eating the cake with __? In the visual world eye-tracking experiment, adults demonstrated evidence for active dependency formation at the earliest region (i.e., the verb region), while 6-year-old children demonstrated a spill-over effect of this bias in the subsequent NP region. No evidence for this bias was found in 5-year-olds, although the speed of arrival at the ultimately correct instrument interpretation appears to be modulated by the vocabulary size. These results suggest that adult-like active formation of filler-gap dependencies begins to emerge around age 6. The corpus analysis of filler-gap dependency structures in adult corpora and child corpora demonstrate that the distributional regularities in either corpora are equally in favor of early, incremental completion of filler-gap dependencies, suggesting that the distributional information in the input is either not relevant to this incremental bias, or that 5-year-old children are somehow unable to recruit this information in real-time comprehension. Taken together, these findings shed light on the origin of the incremental processing bias in filler-gap dependency processing, as well as on the role of language experience and cognitive constraints in the development of incremental sentence processing mechanisms.