Equal Access to State Funding: The case of Muslim schools in Britain

• Published in: Race, ethnicity and education ethnicity and education, 2002-09, Vol.5 (3), p.273-289
• Main Author: Parker-Jenkins, Marie
• Format: Article
• Language: English
• Subjects: Civil Rights; Education; Educational Equity (Finance); Educational Systems; Elementary Secondary Education; Equal Education; Equal Opportunity; Ethnicity; Financial Support; Foreign Countries; Government Spending; Great Britain; Identity Formation; Muslims; Private Schools; Race; Religious Education; Resource Allocation; Schools; United Kingdom
• ISSN: 1361-3324; 1470-109X
• DOI: 10.1080/1361332022000004869

The decision to award government funding to four independent Muslim schools in Britain placed the spotlight on the issue of the public purse being used for private institutions, and also brought to an end the 15-year battle that Muslim communities waged in order to receive equality of treatment. This article provides an overview of this movement and highlights the issues surrounding equitable treatment of minority groups in society. There are presently around 100 independent Muslim schools in Britain today, a percentage of which have applied for voluntary-aided status and have aspired to fulfil government criteria. Up until 1998 they have always failed, often on spurious grounds which were not used to deny funding to other schools. The Conservative Government was confused in its thinking on the issue, declaring that it was uncomfortable providing finance for what would be an all-black (Asian) school, and that such institutions would be socially divisive (Swann report, 1985). These arguments lacked basis on two counts. Firstly, Muslim schools are faith-based schools drawing upon people hugely differentiated on grounds of cultural, socio-economic and linguistic background. Secondly, apart from the decision to award funding previously being articulated erroneously in discourses of race rather than religion, Asian schools were already a reality in Britain. Demographically, due to patterns of immigration, Muslim communities have concentrated in areas around the country and there were, and still are, local state schools with enrolments of 95% or more Muslim pupils. The decision to provide funding for Muslim schools thus needs to be located within a social justice model, whereby financial support is forthcoming for all religious schools which satisfy existing government criteria on health, safety and education, rather than on grounds of racial/ethnic origin. In short, we either provide equality before the law, or we dismantle existing legislation and embrace a 'common school' for all. There are compelling arguments for both cases, but we cannot have it both ways: what is required is state policy based on consistency and equity to ensure parity of treatment. Finally, the Labour Government's decision in favour of Muslim schools carries with it implications for Sikh, Hindu and potentially other groups, who give expression to the reality of a multifaith Britain, and who may also wish to have equal access to state funding. This requires examining more critically the c