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Spanish Bare Plurals, Multiple Specifiers and the Derivation of Focus-Related Features
The distribution of Spanish focused & depreciative bare plurals presents a problem for standard syntactic accounts within the government-binding paradigm, either based on the notion of government or on incorporation mechanisms. It is argued that a minimalist account is superior to the previous o...
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Published in: | Folia linguistica 1999, Vol.33 (3-4), p.355-388 |
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Main Authors: | , |
Format: | Article |
Language: | English |
Subjects: | |
Citations: | Items that cite this one |
Online Access: | Get full text |
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Summary: | The distribution of Spanish focused & depreciative bare plurals presents a problem for standard syntactic accounts within the government-binding paradigm, either based on the notion of government or on incorporation mechanisms. It is argued that a minimalist account is superior to the previous ones because the licensing of focused & depreciative bare plurals can be integrated in the general theory of feature movement. This operation takes place in constituent structures allowing multiple specifiers & relating the focus feature with other features of the D & the C systems. Evidence is provided of the checking of a focus feature in these two domains, a fact that supports the symmetric pattern of licensing of focused (& depreciative) bare plurals in matrix & embedded contexts. 77 References. Adapted from the source document |
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ISSN: | 0165-4004 1614-7308 |
DOI: | 10.1515/flin.1999.33.3-4.355 |