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A Small Old Spanish Mystery: Why Wasn’t did(e) the First Singular Preterite of dar ‘to give’?
Reprinted, with slight revisions, from Homenaje a Jose Durand ([Homage to Jose Durand] Cortest, Luis [Ed], Madrid: Verbum, 1993, 183-188). The phonologically regular outcomes of Latin 'I saw' & 'I stood' in Old Spanish, & respectively, are attested as nondominant varian...
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Published in: | Romance philology 2006-01, Vol.60, p.215-220 |
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Main Author: | |
Format: | Article |
Language: | English |
Citations: | Items that cite this one |
Online Access: | Get full text |
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Summary: | Reprinted, with slight revisions, from Homenaje a Jose Durand ([Homage to Jose Durand] Cortest, Luis [Ed], Madrid: Verbum, 1993, 183-188). The phonologically regular outcomes of Latin 'I saw' & 'I stood' in Old Spanish, & respectively, are attested as nondominant variants for centuries; whereas the expected form */did(e)/ 'I gave' from Latin is absent from even the earliest Spanish sources. It is proposed that the same process of haplology that accounts for the emergence of the regular second & third conjugation third person plural preterite in , inexplicable by phonological change, operated throughout the paradigm of prefixed verbs of the Latin 'I lost' type, producing eg 'they lost' from */perd(epsilon)(de)runt/ & 'I lost' from */perd(epsilon)di/ after metaphony to */perdidi/, whereupon the process of haplology was extended to unprefixed but otherwise homophonous */didi/ 'I gave'. References. J. Hitchcock |
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ISSN: | 0035-8002 2295-9017 2295-9017 |
DOI: | 10.1484/J.RPH.2.305745 |