Consequences of the Unreformed Canadian Electoral System

• Published in: The American review of Canadian studies 2003-10, Vol.33 (3), p.313-338
• Main Author: Studlar, Donley T.
• Format: Article
• Language: English
• Subjects: Canada; Electoral Systems; Federal elections; Legislative Bodies; Political parties; Political Representation; Politics & government
• ISSN: 0272-2011; 1943-9954
• DOI: 10.1080/02722010309481160

There are several different forms of electoral systems (technically, "electoral formulae") in the world. Nevertheless, the most-discussed alternatives are SMP and different versions of proportional representation (PR). In PR systems, seats are distributed on a countrywide or regional basis, and parties rewarded according to their share of the vote in multimember constituencies. In recent years, "mixed" systems combining these two systems have made considerable inroads (Shugart and Wattenberg 2001). The ongoing debate between proponents of the two systems traditionally has revolved around the relative priorities of the need for a single party government and constituency service versus the accurate representation of voting shares. "Strong government" advocates see SMP as more likely to produce a government with a legislative majority (but not necessarily an overall majority or even a plurality of voters) and one in which there is a direct link between the local constituency and its one representative. PR advocates prefer having a legislature reflecting the partisan distribution of votes more closely, even if that leads to a multiparty government formed after the election through negotiations among political leaders. Recent research also has suggested that the form of electoral system may also be an important factor in policy outcomes, irrespective of the partisan coloration of governments (Weaver and Rockman 1993; Lijphart 1994a). Cairns did not focus on this broader debate, nor did he advocate a particular alternative electoral formula. Instead, he concentrated on particular disadvantages of SMP for Canada and the general failure to address the issue. Finally, Cairns (1968) argues that the electoral system facilitates sudden and drastic alteration in the basis of parliamentary representation, a "shock election." The size of the 1993 Conservative defeat has been labeled variously as an "earthquake" or a "meltdown." With an opposition now split into four parties, it has become more difficult to evict the Liberals from government even when weak plurality electoral support makes them seem vulnerable. Thus even shock elections (Johnston 2001) may no longer facilitate the turnover of federal governments.(5) Cairns (1981) also asserted that governing parties often fall short on their representation from some regions even though that party, especially through the cabinet, is responsible for the whole country. While the Liberals since 1993 have had problems in maint